It’s an epitaph possibly on the tombstone of the country recording the unintelligent inheritance of decades setting in place hate, using thugs for political ends, targeting minority ethnic groups, splintering the country not merely on ethnic lines but also now on sectarian lines. For the radical ring masters behind Muslims who blew up on Easter Sunday, it’s a windfall of immeasurable proportions with only the clicks of computer keyboards required to invite the disheartened and dispirited to join their ranks
Political violence - Ethnic political violence that commenced in 1956 was mainly due to the machinations of modern ‘democratic’ electoral politics, deliberately conceived and orchestrated as a means of capturing and keeping power in the hands of the elite. Gradually but increasingly political violence became part and parcel of the island’s day-to-day life. Sinhala communalism fed on Tamil communalism and vice-versa. There can be no question but that the communal direction taken by Ceylon politics was tragic in the extreme.
Indian workers - A. E. Goonesinghe set in motion a wave of anti-Indian agitation, demanding the repatriation of Indian workers who had full employment in the plantations whilst unemployed Sinhalese looked with envy at the Indian workers a decade before Independence. Displacing sections of a community on account of economic pressures being the reason.
D. S. Senanayake correctly saw this as a class question, and not as a national question. In 1948, he introduced the Citizenship Acts, which prescribed rigorous tests for all those people of Indian and Pakistani origin, who wanted to become Ceylon citizens. The tests were so designed that only a few could pass. At the same time, it was decreed that only citizens shall have the right to vote. Workers of Indian origin lost both their citizenship and their right to vote and were relegated to the category of stateless. They were citizens neither of India nor of Ceylon!
Peaceful use of Marxism- The period between the two wars saw the spread of Marxist ideas in Ceylon. Their finest moment was the 1947 election in which the left parties fared best. It was a peaceful useful Marxism unlike what the JVP introduced in 1987/88.
Buddhism and a State Religion- the post-1956 era saw the introduction of a new fundamentalist and militant Buddhism advocating the takeover of denominational schools to reduce the power of the Christian missions; the compulsory teaching of religion in schools; the propagation of the intellectualist view of Buddhism as being not a religion but a philosophy consonant with the spirit of science; and above all the use of Buddhism for political purposes. As a result, Buddhism had effectively become the political and civil religion of the state.
Continuance of Feudalism- That Dudley Senanayake was made to succeed his father in real dynastic fashion, and that Bandaranaike on his assassination was succeeded by his widow, and the fact that for a while no one had become the Prime Minister of Ceylon, who was not a Sinhala, Goigama, Buddhist, reveals the depth of the prevalence of feudal ideas in the country. This idea that a father’s political views can best be interpreted only by his son, and that only a widow can best interpret her dead husband’s political legacy, is not a democratic one. It is a feudal idea. The tradition continues to date nationally and regionally within the country.
Political and Racial violence
The Institutionalization of Political Violence - Racial violence was often sparked by business competition. Merchants employed the dispossessed proletarians of this town to eliminate business rivals, especially during periods of post-election political violence.
In addition to these market towns, colonization schemes where surplus villagers were siphoned off to new irrigation projects generally in the north-central and southern dry zones became increasingly important after Independence. Settlers were often chosen by local MPs, from among party supporters. As a result, settlements but not communities were created. Often, in more recent projects, total outsiders have come in and taken over political control of colonies. Practically all civil disturbances – post-election riots (endemic after the 1960s) and race riots were emblematic of this phenomenon – have occurred primarily in these lumpen colonization schemes, in the anomic market towns and in Colombo.
Appeasing revolutionaries - The election victory of 1956 did not solve any economic problem was that the MEP and its supporters had to rouse communal and language feelings among the Sinhalese to maintain their support. During the MEP regime occurred the communal riots.
Riots of 1956, 1958, 1977, 1983, 2019 - Each a narrative of political violence using extreme violence, acts of impunity, the breakdown of law and order and the disintegration of a multi-ethnic state.
Birth of a Southern insurgency and use of extreme violence – the anger of the excluded southern youth attempting first to win state power on an ideological platform and returning later using terror, being crushed by anti -terror tactics. It also led to the resultant birth of the phenomenon of extrajudicial killings and the disappearances of a large number of Southern Youth.
Non-violence and Tamil politics- Years and years of witnessing a brutal armed struggle by Tamil militants have created an impression in the minds of many that the nature of Tamil politics in this country has been intrinsically violent. What is forgotten, ignored or overlooked is the fact that for over three decades in the post–Independence Sri Lanka the Tamil political struggle was basically non–violent and adhered to the doctrine of “Ahimsa” (avoidance of injury/violence) enunciated by Mahatma Gandhi. It has been argued by many that it was the failure of the non–violent Tamil struggle to remedy prevailing political maladies that paved the way for an emerging, frustrated generation of Tamil youth to take to the gun. The brutalisation of the war, as well as some of the reprehensibly inhuman acts by the Tamil militant groups, helped reduce the moral superiority of the Tamil cause and predicament.
Use of thugs for politicized violence - These are, essentially, organised gangs of hooligans available for hire by anyone whom it happens to suit to foment trouble in the streets. It is freely admitted that every major political party has its own rented or rentable goonda contingent: there are SLFP goondas, UNP goondas, and doubtless goondas serving other political interests. Incrementally thugs have taken to politics and are found holding elected positions with an unimpressive history of police complaints and cases, past or ongoing.
Cost to society and the country- be it those killed, disappeared, dying contesting the state, dying fighting for the state, those displaced, a society repeatedly brutalized, the cost of extreme messaging and violence is heavy on the country.
The response of the State- until late 1950s state organs including the Police were able to hold their ground and act within the confines of the law in a professional manner. But, they came under political pressure to deviate from these practices with slow corrosive politicized appointments, moving in order to act illegally gaining ground. When governments could not manage they fell back on the comfort of periods under the Emergency rule. State organs became used to functioning long periods under these abnormal conditions. State organs were used increasingly for political purposes. Excesses followed the radicalisation of those who experienced violence was seen, State and non-state dulled violently with costs rising at great cost to society. The reforms of 2015/16 were an uncompleted attempt to arrest this tide.
Weaponised hate- Written in the shadow of a new age of terror within a global context of radicalized Muslims who have through acts of suicide blasts inducted mayhem and fear and the re-induction of the securitized state. The radicalisation process has been assisted immeasurably by the sustained campaign of hate spewed at Muslims.
The wandering Arsonist and Rioter
It’s a footnote to say violence against Muslims in 2019 returned after 1915. What's worse is this cycle replicates the wandering savage Arsonist and Rioter of 1983, representing impunity in the eyes of the law which has immeasurably hurt the sentiments of the entire Muslim community in the country, caused their sense of alienation from the rest of the community. It’s an epitaph possibly on the tombstone of the country recording the unintelligent inheritance of decades setting in place hate, using thugs for political ends, targeting minority ethnic groups, splintering the country not merely on ethnic lines but also now on sectarian lines. For the radical ring masters behind Muslims who blew up on Easter Sunday, it’s a windfall of immeasurable proportions with only the clicks of computer keyboards required to invite the disheartened and dispirited to join their ranks. For governance by political representation, it is proof of their collective failure to manage political tensions and keep arsonist off the streets. For law enforcement backed by emergency powers, it failed citizens. For the religions practised in the country, they too have failed to keep their flock as peacemakers. The country is at a cross road unable to keep peace with certainty. The difference from the past is the playing fields of terror are online, backed by social media, web and other high-tech mediums including global media. Messaging transcends national boundaries, beamed to bedrooms and hamlets across the world. The driver is psychological. Laws and guns alone cannot provide for defence nor deterrence.
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